Oct 02, 2024 08:33 PM IST
The political and electoral inclination of Dalits in Haryana seems subject to various factors such as the charisma of national leaders, caste and class character of the political parties in the state, and the nature of electoral promises made, among others.
“Neither Jat nor non-Jat (non-Jat upper caste and Other Backward Classes, or OBCs), the batkhara (weights) of jeet-haar (win and loss) in this election lies in the hand of Dalits.” One can hear such statements at tea stalls and paan shops in certain parts of Haryana. As folk wisdom goes, when both the palada (sides) of taraju (weighing scales or balance) are equal, the smallest weight may play a crucial role. Since the Haryana election seems to be a direct and tough contest between both the national parties, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, the Dalit votes in Haryana may decide the composition of the assembly and the government this time.
Dalits constitute 20% of the state’s population. Among them, the Jatavs are the largest community. Valmiki, Dhanuk, Mazhabi Sikhs, and a few other Dalit communities form the remainder. The Valmikis seem to be the second-largest Dalit community. There are 17 reserved seats for the Scheduled Castes in the 90-member assembly, giving Dalits an impressive electoral visibility. Regions like Fatehabad, Sirsa, and Ambala have the highest Dalit concentration.
While discussing Dalit voting behaviour in the state, keep in mind that Dalits are not a homogeneous category. There is heterogeneity due to various contesting caste, class, and political interests. The Dalit vote, therefore, may not be a single voting bloc but would rather refer to a large section among the Dalits voting for a political party/alliance. The political and electoral inclination of Dalits in Haryana seems subject to various factors such as the charisma of national leaders, caste and class character of the political parties in the state, and the nature of electoral promises made, among others.
Political parties in India, especially the regional parties, often have their own caste and class bases. The Dalit communities have their own everyday relations with various castes and classes at the grassroots, which also influence their political positions. The Jats constitute the single largest group(~27% of the state’s population) and are the landed farmer castes that are socially and politically dominant. The Dalits — mostly rural, working in the fields of Jat farmers — may have everyday relationships with the latter, characterised by contesting interests such as conflict on the issues of wages, dignity, and socio-political voice. The relationship of contest and compromise, appreciation and critique between the dominant and dominated dictate their everyday life. But the Dalit communities’ growing urge for political participation and the struggle for survival gets reflected sometimes in their political choices and positioning, with the result that no political party may now hope to win elections based on the support of one or two caste or social groups. Rainbow caste and social alliances now determine the winnability of political parties.
The Congress, which gets strong support from the Jats and Muslims, is always eager to mobilise Dalit votes in its favour in Haryana. But, at the grassroots, the Jat dominance of its political leadership produces a sense of marginalisation among the Dalits. This is reflected in the recent leadership clash between Congress leader and claimant to the chief minister’s office, Bhupinder Singh Hooda and Kumari Selja, a prominent Dalit face of the party at the national level and in Haryana. This political clash could influence the voting behaviour of the Congress-supporting Dalits. The marginalisation of Ashok Tanwar, who had been another long-time Dalit face of the Congress before he quit the party, is still fresh in the memory of Haryana’s Dalits.
The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is contesting the Haryana assembly polls in alliance with the Indian National Lok Dal to bring together a section of Jat and Dalit voters and become winnable in some of their base constituencies. The BSP evolved its core vote among Dalits of Haryana and got impressive support from major communities such as Jatavs. But its decline at the all-India level over the last decade or so is also visible in Haryana as well. The BSP is working hard to revive itself. One can easily observe strong Dalit mobilisation in the Haryana election in favour of the BSP, though Bhim Army leader Chandrashekhar Azad, who is in alliance with the Jannayak Janata party (JJP), may fracture the Jatav vote.
The BJP, the main contender for power in the state, may get votes from some non-Jatav communities such as Valmiki and Dhanuks. The SC sub-classification for quotas may have a bearing on how communities choose to vote. A section of the Dalit voters of the Congress (mainly Jatavs) are not happy due to the party’s treatment of its Dalit faces. So, in the upcoming Haryana assembly elections, how Dalits’ move on the marginalisation of their representatives in the Congress could be the batkhara that plays a decisive role.
Badri Narayan is director, GB Pant Social Science Institute.The views expressed are personal
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