This is in response to Yogendra Yadav’s article on the demise of political thought and action (‘A vacuum waiting to be filled’, IE, August 27). Let me offer a counterview based on my experience as an engineer who has worked in water and allied sectors in rural Maharashtra.
A precondition for vibrant political thought to emerge is that it should address some of the mundane questions of common people and provide structural insights into their study. Why is my bus late? Why must I write NEET to become a doctor? Or a farmer’s question (where is my groundwater?) and the small businessman’s lament (where are my customers?). These are basic material questions (BMQs) faced by a majority of our people. There are, of course, basic social questions (BSQs): Why is my road unsafe? And basic cultural questions (BCQs), which are more complex. The BMQs will suffice to illustrate the point.
A precursor to political thought is a coherent model, perhaps even a caricature, of today’s political reality. I offer such a model here and argue how it helps to study some of the BMQs.
Our political structure formally, even constitutionally, is layered as a national superstructure and largely subservient state structures. The national structure is an extreme concentration of political power at the Centre in Delhi, and within that, the PM’s office. This power is operated by the elite IAS and supported by a constellation of elite institutions such as the IITs and scientific agencies such as the IMD. These regulate most scientific standards and processes — from food safety to forest fires. States have very limited autonomy to generate useful knowledge and typically, an even smaller capacity to utilise it.
The legitimacy of executive power flows from the high esteem that is generally accorded to this superficially Weberian bureaucracy. Nation-wide competitive exams on a “national curricula’’ are a part of this legitimisation. Yet, there is little formal accountability of the executive to the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha. If any, it is to the Supreme Court or the media. This is evident from the great shortage of facts. There is, for example, no study available on the current performance of public bus systems or the great diversity of official Covid-19 mortality rates across states.
The above structure is replicated at the state level, where it is the chief minister’s office that is the power centre. However, it must project power through the centrally-operated IAS above. Hence, the importance of the double-engine. Here, again, other than the high court, people must mobilise on the streets or operate the local media for attention. The scientific and political culture, freedom of expression and the presence of an independent media changes from region to region. This explains, to some extent, why official Covid mortality rates were different in different states.
Coming to the economy, there is a national economy and various regional economies, which are now increasingly dependent on the national economy. There is an immense concentration of wealth in the hands of a few hundred pan-national business families. These business houses have flourished, generally at the cost of regional businesses and industries. At the household level, the top 20 per cent have 80 per cent of the wealth. The rest constitutes the informal sector and much of it serves the top 20 per cent in low-paying jobs.
But what about the people and civil society? Any democracy requires the people to comprehend the situation, collectivise and periodically articulate their priorities. They must do this, perhaps with the help of civil society, and within the spaces provided by the political economy. But what we see is a veritable collapse of the intellectual capacities of the people. High school students cannot measure time or length and graduates cannot write a first-person account or operate a spreadsheet. The intellectual aspirations of our youth culminate in writing competitive exams! Most seem happy to receive dole rather than demand better public services.
Let us now trace the BMQs through the above structure. Buses are late because roads are bad, and bus maintenance is poor. Scientific methods such as systematic documentation and analysis are largely absent. Road testing standards are promulgated by the Centre and are complex and expensive. They are rarely carried out. At the bus depot, there is little capacity to analyse traffic and delay data. There is a commuter association but that has neither the capacity nor the authority to intervene. There are, of course, no funds or model contracts to hire a local consultant.
What about groundwater? Again, it is the Central Ground Water Board that promulgates standards of groundwater assessment. It does not have the scientific heft nor the empirical data to formulate rules for groundwater use. The state agency does not have funding and its officers, the training, to conduct research and formulate rules. As a result, rich farmers draw much more water than their fields recharge, to irrigate cash crops. Poor farmers depend on PM Kisan to make both ends meet.
What about small businesses? A walk through any district market will show how businesses have changed and how customers remain oblivious to how their consumption of pan-national brands is changing jobs and wealth distribution. And also causing more pollution and demanding more infrastructure. An elementary analysis will show how economic policies have aided this.
Indeed, the last two decades have shown us that excessive centralisation is at the root of many problems. India is just too complex and diverse to be ruled from Delhi. The central bureaucracy and our scientists and professors are not equal to the task. Crony capital has provided neither jobs nor dignity nor has it brought efficiency and global competitiveness. In fact, it is now exacerbating regional disparities.
What is to be done? If we really want a Viksit Bharat by 2047, as our PM has envisioned, then it must begin with the intellectual rejuvenation of our people. To achieve this, our political scientists must come up with a theory of decentralisation and devolution of knowledge and identify countervailing interests and hurdles. They must cut through the fog of a divisive cultural discourse which deflects attention from critical material challenges — of climate change and jobs — which stare us in the face. Finally, they must get on board, our elite institutions and local colleges — our biggest asset — to be the link which connects the people and their problems with regional administration and enterprises. That will provide a material foundation for a national political thought to emerge.
The writer teaches at IIT Bombay. Views are personal
