The broader political agenda behind the revival of an anti-conversion law in Arunachal

The IFCSAP, an organisation that ostensibly works to preserve indigenous tribal faiths, has often been criticised for endorsing Hindu religious practices among tribal communities. Over the years, the organisation has normalised Hindu worship traditions within tribal societies, introducing elements such as the burning of agarbattis (incense sticks), tying sacred threads (dhaga) on wrists, and personifying tribal spirits and deities in a manner that closely resembles Hindu iconography. In many instances, additional limbs have been added to the images of tribal deities to align them with Hindu gods.

This process of religious assimilation dates back to the early 1970s. One striking example of this cultural transformation is the reinterpretation of a ruined fort in the Idu Mishmi tribal village of Ithini; the fort was later linked to the legend of Rukmini, a key figure in Hindu mythology. As a result, the village was renamed Bhismaknagar, further cementing Hindu narratives within the indigenous culture.

The timing of the PIL filed by Tambo Tamin is notable, as the IFCSAP today shares close ties with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Given the BJP’s strong hold in the state, the resurfacing of the AFR Act appears to be more than a coincidence. It reflects a broader political agenda aimed at regulating religious conversions while favouring the assimilation of tribal faiths into the Hindu fold.

The AFR Act was ostensibly designed to prevent forced religious conversions. However, conversion to Hinduism wouldn’t come under the ambit of the Act as the propaganda surrounding it claims that Hinduism has been an intrinsic part of Arunachal Pradesh’s tribal communities since time immemorial. Proponents cite Hindu-like worship practices, the incorporation of multiple hands in depictions of tribal deities, and historical connections to Hindu legends such as Rukmini and Parshuram Kund to justify this stance.

Further, the ambiguity and the loose drafting of the AFR Act make it susceptible to misuse, allowing it to function as a political instrument rather than a genuine safeguard of religious freedom. Section 3, which entails punishment for the offence of “converting or attempting to convert, either directly or otherwise… by the use of force or by inducement or by any fraudulent means…”, is one such aspect that can be used vindictively. Additionally, Section 5 makes it mandatory to intimate the deputy commissioner if anyone converts (the punishment for not complying is jail time for a year or a fine). While the Act ostensibly protects tribal faiths from external influence, in practice, it primarily serves as a barrier against Christianity, Islam, and other so-called “alien” religions. Given the political and ideological affiliations of those pushing for its enforcement, it is evident that the Act is being wielded selectively.

The resurfacing of the AFR Act under the current BJP-led government raises serious questions about its implications for religious minorities in Arunachal Pradesh. It is a stark reminder of how legislative tools can be used to further political and ideological agendas, rather than genuinely safeguarding the cultural and religious diversity of the state. Unless critically re-examined, the Act risks becoming a weapon of exclusion rather than a measure of protection for the indigenous faiths of Arunachal Pradesh.

The writer is an Itanagar-based advocate