There are no talks between any one — government and the ethnic groups or between the Meitei and the Kuki-Zomi.
Leafing through previous columns, I chided myself for not writing about Manipur more often. I last wrote on Manipur on July 30, 2023, and it is now over 13 months. It is unpardonable. As it is unpardonable for all Indians to have consigned Manipur to the deepest recesses of their collective consciousness.
When I wrote last year, the portents were ominous. I had said ‘It is the beginning of ethnic cleansing’. I had said ‘Today, from all reports that I have received or read, there is practically no Kuki-Zomi in the Imphal valley and there is no Meitei in the areas dominated by the Kuki-Zomi’. I had said that ‘the chief minister and his ministers work out of their home offices and do not — or cannot — travel to the affected areas’. I had also said that ‘None of the ethnic groups trusts the Manipur police’ and ‘No one believes the official numbers of the casualties’.
Three In The Dock
Every word that I wrote has, regrettably, come true. In a parliamentary democracy, one or more in authority must bear the responsibility for the tragic slide of Manipur. Here are the three men who are in authority —
Mr Narendra Modi, the prime minister: he seems to have taken a vow that, come what may, he will not visit the state of Manipur. His attitude seems to be ‘let Manipur burn, I shall not step on Manipur’s soil’. Since the start of his third term on June 9, 2024, the PM has found the time to visit Italy (June 13-14), Russia (July 8-9), Austria (July 10), Poland (August 21-22), Ukraine (August 23-24), Brunei (September 3-4) and Singapore (September 4-5). His schedule for the remaining months of 2024 include visits to the United States, Laos, Samos, Russia, Azerbaijan and Brazil. It is beyond contest that the PM has not visited Manipur not because of lack of time or energy but because he is determined to not visit the hapless state.
His refusal to visit Manipur is a measure of his stubbornness. We got glimpses of that during the Gujarat riots, the anti-CAA protests and the farmers’ protests against the three farm laws, and when he instructed his ministers to oppose all adjournment motions — whatever the urgent matter — in both Houses of Parliament.
Mr Amit Shah, the Home Minister: his instructions cover every aspect of the governance of Manipur from appointment of senior officers in the state government to deployment of the security forces. He is the government of Manipur. Violence has escalated rapidly on his watch. The people of Manipur are not fighting each other with only guns and bombs. For the first time in independent India, rockets and weaponised drones have been used. In the past week, curfew has been imposed in two districts, schools and colleges have been closed, internet has been suspended in five districts, and police are fighting students on the streets of Imphal. Two more battalions of the CRPF (2000 men and women) have been rushed to Manipur to strengthen the 26,000 personnel already deployed.
Mr N Biren Singh, the chief minister of Manipur: he is captive in a prison of his own making. He and his ministers are not able to go around even in the Imphal valley. He is hated by the Kuki-Zomi. The Meitei thought he would ensure their security but his complete failure has made him the most unpopular man in Manipur, including among the Meitei. There is no semblance of administration. His inept and partisan governance was the cause of the civil unrest, now he is the problem and the provocation to all sides. He should have resigned many months ago. His continuance reflects the imperious, never-admit-a-mistake attitude of Mr Modi and Mr Shah.
Divided De Facto
Manipur is, de facto, two states. The districts of Churachandpur, Pherzwal and Kangpokpi are fully controlled by the Kuki people, and Tengnoupal district (including the border town of Moreh) that has a mixed population of Kuki-Zomi and Naga is practically under the control of the Kuki-Zomi. The Kuki-Zomi run a separate administration. There are no Meitei government employees in the Kuki-Zomi controlled area; they are ensconced in the districts of the valley. The Kuki-Zomi do not want to be part of a state where the Meitei are in a majority (40 MLAs in a House of 60 members). The Meitei want to preserve the identity and territorial integrity of Manipur. The level of enmity between the communities is high and deep.
There are no talks between any one — government and the ethnic groups or between the Meitei and the Kuki-Zomi. The Nagas have their own, historical grievances against the central and state governments, and they do not want to be embroiled in the Meitei vs Kuki-Zomi conflict.
No Light Anywhere
Manipur is trapped in a web of suspicion, deceit and ethnic conflict. It was never easy to maintain the peace and carry on a government in Manipur. It has become unimaginably worse thanks to the callousness of the central government and the incompetence of the state government, both run by the BJP. The prime minister of India has perhaps realized that his journey to Manipur, a state in the Union, will be as perilous as a journey to the dark side of the moon.
