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In Sri Lanka, a vote for change, political reform

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Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the National People’s Power (NPP), was sworn in as the new executive president of Sri Lanka on Monday at the Presidential Secretariat, a location deeply symbolic as the epicentre of the 2022 Aragalaya (struggle) protest movement, which played a key role in ousting former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Dissanayake, who had secured only 3% of the vote in the 2019 presidential election, made a historic leap to win 42% in the election held on September 21, marking one of the most significant surges in political popularity. This dramatic increase in support reflects the growing influence of the protest movement and the public’s demand for change. Many credit the Aragalaya for playing a pivotal role in Dissanayake’s rise, positioning him and the NPP as a viable alternative to the traditional political establishment.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory, driven by public demand for an end to decades of misrule, marks a turning point for Sri Lanka. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena) (AP)
Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory, driven by public demand for an end to decades of misrule, marks a turning point for Sri Lanka. (AP Photo/Eranga Jayawardena) (AP)

The NPP is a coalition formed under the leadership of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a leftist party that Dissanayake currently leads. The JVP, founded in 1965, has a history of attempting to seize power through armed insurrections in 1971 and 1988-89, both of which were met with brutal reprisals. Despite these setbacks, the party survived and rebranded itself in the early 1990s, re-entering the democratic process as a vocal opposition force.

While the JVP’s presence in parliament has historically been minimal, it gained a reputation for exposing corruption and incompetence within the ruling elite. Its image as an uncorrupted political movement resonated with parts of the electorate, though it struggled to gain the widespread trust necessary to govern.

In recent years, however, the NPP — through coalition-building with civil society organisations — has transformed the JVP’s image and broadened its appeal. During this period, several prominent intellectuals joined the party, including Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, who was sworn in today (24th) as the new Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. Her efforts in building a strong and influential women’s wing were highlighted as a key factor in the party’s electoral victory.Under Dissanayake’s leadership, the once inward-looking JVP became a more dynamic organisation, welcoming a variety of social groups and views. For instance, the NPP became the first political party in Sri Lanka to include LGBTIQ rights in its election manifesto. More importantly, the party’s focus on anti-corruption, economic and social justice, and economic reform has resonated with voters disillusioned by decades of mismanagement under the two traditional parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

Since Sri Lanka’s independence in 1948, the political landscape has been dominated by the UNP and SLFP (recently, majority of UNP formed a new party, Samagi Jana Balawegaya led by Sajith Premadasa and the majority of the SLFP formed Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna led by Mahinda Rajapaksa), both of which were founded by members of the Sinhala elite. These parties built vast patronage networks, exchanging jobs, welfare, and resources for political loyalty. This patron-client system fostered political dependency, limiting the electorate’s development of an issue-based political consciousness.

For decades, these networks allowed the UNP and SLFP to maintain their grip on power, despite growing dissatisfaction. Corruption, nepotism, and inefficiency were rampant, but voters often remained loyal to these parties due to the tangible benefits they received. Additionally, both the UNP and SLFP have historically used nationalism and religion as tools to consolidate power, often stoking Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism to secure the majority’s support and deepen divisions along ethnic and religious lines.

The Aragalaya movement in 2022 marked a significant departure from this traditional political culture. Fuelled by public outrage over the country’s economic collapse and the perceived incompetence of the ruling elite, the movement captured the frustrations of a generation that felt betrayed by the status quo. The success of the movement in ousting President Rajapaksa, and Dissanayake’s subsequent rise, signals a shift in the political landscape, with voters increasingly demanding meaningful social change.

Dissanayake’s victory, driven by public demand for an end to decades of misrule, marks a turning point for Sri Lanka. However, as the new executive president, Dissanayake faces the monumental challenge of governing a nation still mired in economic crisis. Some political commentators believe that the NPP has demonstrated both the will and capability to lead Sri Lanka toward development by prioritising equitable economic policies and good governance; with a strong focus on modernising institutions and addressing the root causes of corruption and inefficiency, the NPP is well-positioned to drive reforms and foster long-term national growth.

The NPP’s election manifesto also advocates for a more neutral and balanced foreign policy, allowing Sri Lanka to engage constructively with major powers while avoiding over-reliance on any single country. For India, a balanced Sri Lanka means a more stable neighbour that can help maintain regional peace and security.

The question now is whether Dissanayake and the NPP can turn their promises of reform into tangible improvements for the people of Sri Lanka, or whether the forces of the old political order will regroup and resist the change. However, with the patronage networks dismantled and the traditional elite’s political legitimacy weakened, it is unlikely they will be able to reorganise quickly.

Meanwhile, the NPP’s growing popularity suggests it may form a relatively strong government after the upcoming parliamentary elections. Translating their policies into concrete social change will depend largely on their ability to secure a parliamentary majority. To build an inclusive Sri Lankan nation free from ethnic and religious tensions, as they have pledged in their manifesto, the NPP will need to gain the trust of northern and eastern Tamils, Muslims, and Malayaha (hill) Tamil communities. Although winning over these communities, who have experienced decades of broken promises from Sinhala-majority political parties, will be challenging, the NPP’s political preparedness makes this a difficult but not impossible task.

Kaushalya Kumarasinghe is a Sinhala novelist and sociologist.The views expressed are personal

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