In India’s electoral memory,
Phulpur
is best remembered as India’s first PM Jawaharlal Nehru’s constituency. Not many know that Nehru wasn’t the only MP then representing the Uttar Pradesh seat. In the 1950s, as many as 86
Lok Sabha
seats had “two-member” representation, seats which could elect two MPs. This practice, abolished in 1961, was primarily adopted to ensure a healthy representation of
SCs
and STs in those early years of Independence.
The second MP from the seat was Masuriya Din, who won four LS elections: Phulpur (1952 and 1957) and Chail (1962 and 1967). Nehru often addressed
Masuriya Din
with the prefix, mahashay, a respectful term meaning high-thinking. TOI reports referred to him as Nehru’s “running mate”.
It’s fascinating how two remarkable leaders with contrasting backgrounds — one elite, the other subaltern — came to share a constituency. Nehru’s pathway from Allahabad’s palatial Anand Bhavan to Teen Murti in New Delhi, via Harrow and Cambridge, is well-documented. But the extraordinary journey of his political partner is little known.
Born into a deprived SC family, Masuriya Din went to a govt school. “He was impressed by Gandhi, drawn to the national movement and joined
Congress
on being urged by Motilal Nehru,” says research scholar Pradeep Rawat, who’s working on a dissertation on him. Masuriya Din was jailed during the Salt Satyagraha (1930), and again in 1940 and 1942. He also ran a printing press that published anti-colonial literature.
“He was in prison when his first wife, Ram Pyari, passed away. Authorities told him he would be allowed to attend the funeral if he stops publishing anti-govt writing. He refused,” says grandson Sachin Kumar, who runs Mahashay Masuriya Din school in Teliarganj, Prayagraj (formerly Allahahad). His father, Shashi Prakash, was elected a Janata Dal MP from Chail (UP) in 1991.
Ram Abhilash Saroj, who edits New Pasi Darpan, underlines Masuriya Din’s focus on education and reforms. As per 1952’s Who’s Who, he founded a Harijan hostel in Allahabad and nine Harijan primary pathshalas. Rawat says his message was, “Send at least one child to school. In these schools, an empty earthen pot (matki) would be kept outside the classroom. Parents would drop a fistful of grain, vegetables or coins. That would be the teacher’s wage.”
Masuriya Din’s daughter Kamla Devi, president, national women’s wing of Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), says, “He played an important role in the abolition of the Criminal Tribes Act, which stained our community. Which is why his birthday is celebrated by the Pasi Samaj even today.”
Masuriya Din, also a vegetarian and an anti-alcohol activist, shared a close rapport with Indira Gandhi. But after Congress split in 1969, he opted for the rival faction, Congress (O). The story goes that
Indira Gandhi
called him on the phone and said, “Chacha aap saath aa jaiye (Uncle, please join us).” He replied, “Main tumhe apni beti manta hoon. Lekin main zubaan de chuka hoon, saath nahi aa paunga (I consider you my daughter. But I’ve given my word and can’t retract).” He lost in 1971 and passed away in 1978, becoming a footnote in India’s political history.
Of late, Masuriya Din has prompted discussion among a new generation of Pasis on social media. Both BJP and Congress celebrated his birth anniversary, which incidentally falls on Oct 2, as part of their SC outreach. And this Feb, his statue was unveiled at Purab Pashchim Sharira village in adjoining Kaushambi constituency.
“Masuriya Din was a major social reformer. He was hugely popular, especially among Pasis, the community he belonged to. He should have been a Union minister had the ruling leadership of the time been empathetic enough. Perhaps his lack of cultural capital caused this bias,” says political commentator Chandra Bhan Prasad.
At a time when SCs were at the receiving end of extreme social inequities and financial deprivation, Masuriya Din’s vision in proactively promoting education and working on political changes to uplift his community needed greater appreciation and attention.
After the heady Nehru-Masuriya Din days, Phulpur became the constituency of Nehru’s sister Vijaya Lak shmi Pandit — she won the bypolls after the PM’s death in 1964 — and V P Singh (1971). In 2004, mafia don-turnedpolitico Atiq Ahmed (SP) won here, bringing unwanted attention to the seat. Atiq was gunned down last year. In the post-Mandal era, Phulpur has often changed hands among BJP, SP and BSP, mostly electing MPs from OBC communities (Patel, Maurya).
Major parties field OBCs
In 2024, all major parties have put up OBC faces for the seat that includes chunks of west and north Prayagraj. Praveen Patel, the current Phulpur MLA, is BJP’s candidate. Amarnath Maurya, a 54-year-old law graduate is SP’s contender while Jagannath Pal, a 63-year-old postgraduate in Hindi and a party veteran is BSP’s nominee. Patels, Brahmins, Baniyas and Muslims are numerically significant.
Everyone’s talking in Phulpur. At a tea shop in Ghatampur village, a motley assemblage of Yadavs, Mauryas, Patels, Muslims, Thakurs, Pasi and other SC members openly declare who they will vote for and why. Qayimuddin, a plumber and SP voter, says, “Under Congress, gas cost Rs 450, while it’s at Rs 1,200 now. Janta baukhlayee (upset) hai.” he says. Vinod Kumar Yadav says govt institutions have weakened. Arbind Kumar Patel says, “Jahan Apna Dal, wohin Patel.” Apna Dal is part of the NDA. Harischandra and Ram Khelawan, both from the SC community, will vote for BSP. Only the Mauryas in the gathering don’t put their voting card on the table.
A little away, a family says they get free foodgrains regularly and had got Rs 12,000 from the govt to build a toilet some years back. They are Pals, OBCs, and voted for “Modi” in 2019. They are not sure this time. Sushil Kumar Pal, 28, a commerce graduate, is unemployed. He finds the Congress manifesto attractive. “BJP manifesto doesn’t focus on jobs,” he says. Sushil lists exam paper leaks as a key issue. His sister, Seema Pal, preparing for sarkari jobs, talks about the huge unemployment around. His father Dheeraj asks, “Ram Mandir achcha hua, lekin kya vikas hua (Ram Mandir is nice but what about development)?” Others nod in agreement.
