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In a year of non-stop elections in Punjab, AAP stumbles, Congress gains and SAD faces its biggest crisis

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Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann; Sukhbir Badal was seen serving darban Duty from Akal Takht over sacrilege case.Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann; Sukhbir Badal was seen serving darban Duty from Akal Takht over sacrilege case. (Express Archive)

Dec 26, 2024 15:45 IST First published on: Dec 26, 2024 at 15:41 IST

It was a busy year for Punjab. Elections were held every few months, farmers returned to the borders — this time with Haryana — and the Akal Takht, the highest temporal authority of the Sikhs, delivered a stinging rebuke to the state’s oldest regional party, urging it to return to the drawing board.

It was certainly a year that saw many politicians eat humble pie. It began with the ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which managed to win only three out of 13 Lok Sabha seats in June, despite its boastful promise of sweeping all 13. This rebuff came nearly halfway through its tenure in Punjab, even as party leaders claimed it was not a referendum on their governance.

But it set in motion a process of introspection, beginning with Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann urging legislators to be more accessible and culminating in the late-November appointment of Aman Arora, a senior minister, as the new party president, a post held for long by the Chief Minister. Arora’s elevation was widely seen as the party high command’s attempt to clip Mann’s wings while also providing a Hindu face to the party. The move followed the CM’s brief hospitalisation that set rumours mills afire even as Mann returned looking healthier than ever.

Elections dominated the state’s landscape for much of the year. Residents found themselves voting almost every few months, starting with the Lok Sabha elections, whose results triggered four assembly bypolls. While the Lok Sabha elections and the crucial July Jalandhar bypoll — seen as a prestige battle for the Chief Minister — occupied over half the year, the remaining months were consumed by the panchayat polls in October (delayed by more than two years), assembly bypolls in November, and municipal body elections in December. The October panchayat elections were particularly acrimonious, marred by allegations of unfair practices by the opposition parties with many candidates reaching out to the courts. Last month, the Supreme Court went on to describe the unopposed election of over 3,000 sarpanches as “very strange.”

The results of most of these elections, though a mixed bag, were sobering for the ruling party, which failed to replicate its 2022 assembly sweep of 92 out of 117 seats. The beleaguered Congress, which experienced an exodus of leaders to the BJP after its assembly election rout, found reasons to cheer. Its candidates continued to secure victories — most recently in the Amritsar Municipal Corporation— largely due to their personal connect with voters and growing disillusionment with the current regime.

The Lok Sabha elections also set the alarm bells ringing with the victory of two hardliners who contested as independents. More recently, a spate of grenade attacks on police stations in border areas has raised suspicions of cross-border mischief. While the playbook feels familiar, this time, local gangsters and drug addicts appear to be involved, creating a dangerous cocktail for a state already grappling with the drug menace.

The new-look BJP with its profusion of faces from Congress drew a blank in both the Lok Sabha and assembly bypolls. And although it has certainly outpaced Shiromani Akali Dal, its former alliance partner, in terms of the vote share, it continues to struggle, failing to win even one of the five Municipal Corporations despite its claims of dominance over urban wards. On the contrary, it sprang a surprise in a handful of rural wards.

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Shiromani Akali Dal, which has been sliding since the 2017 assembly elections, could retain just one of its Lok Sabha seats. This set off a chain of events that started with an open rebellion against party president Sukhbir Singh Badal who has since resigned, and culminated with his public inquisition at the Akal Takht, which directed the party to restore internal democracy. Many well-wishers of the party felt this comeuppance would melt the people and pave the way for the revival of the Akali Dal. However, subsequent events — including an assassination attempt on Sukhbir Badal at the Golden Temple and the vilification of one of the five high priests present during the inquisition — have further muddied the waters. When and how the Akali Dal will find its redemption will now be clear only in the next elections.

As the year draws to a close, the focus has returned to farmers and the agrarian crisis gripping Punjab. Jagjit Singh Dallewal, coordinator of Samyukt Kisan Morcha (non-political), alongside Kisan Mazdoor Morcha, is leading a protest that has persisted for over 300 days at Shambhu and Khanauri on the Punjab-Haryana border. Dallewal has now embarked on a fast unto death, demanding the legalisation of minimum support prices (MSP) for crops — a long-standing demand rooted in farmers’ fears of market volatility. MSP was a key issue during India’s historic protest against the now-repealed farm laws of 2020-2021. Farmers claim they were assured a legal guarantee for MSP when the protest ended in 2021, but this promise remains unmet. It remains a contentious issue that needs deft handling.

On the ground, there were small but meaningful silver linings. The Indian Express was pleasantly surprised to find farmers, big and small, embracing organic farming for personal consumption. Others found success by breaking away from the traditional wheat-paddy cropping cycle. Despite concerns over frequent protests and the threats posed by gangster-terror networks, investors continued to show interest in Punjab. It’s these green shoots the state needs to nurture as it turns another page. Here is to a more rewarding 2025.

manraj.grewal@expressindia.com

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