Five things Rahul Gandhi needs to do in 2025 to build on his popularity

Broadly speaking, there are at least five aspects of opposition politics which require a careful analysis — ideas, identities, institutions, infrastructure, and instruments. A critical assessment of these aspects will show where Gandhi stands and what he needs to do.

Ideas: It is important to remember that Rahul Gandhi was instrumental in introducing a new narrative of nyay or justice in recent years. That might be the reason why the Congress’s manifesto was called the Nyay Patra. Unlike the exclusively caste-centric social justice politics of the 1990s, this has so far tried to establish a link between caste-based exclusion and economic exploitation. The Congress has emphasised on the Nav Sankalp economic policy which focuses on work, wealth, and welfare. At the same time, it has embraced the idea of a caste census to emphasise the need to have a more informed affirmative action policy. In a way, the Congress, and for that matter Gandhi, has been posing a serious challenge to what I call the charitable state model of the BJP. Rahul Gandhi’s article in this newspaper (‘A New Deal for Indian Business’, IE, November 6) was an elaboration of this line of thinking. It shows that he has evolved as a “thinking politician” who can offer a set of constructive resolutions while challenging the structural problems inherent in the political economy of the country. Interestingly, however, this “creative thinking” has not translated into any constructive political programme so far.

Identities: The question of identity is slightly different and more demanding. Rahul Gandhi, like other Opposition leaders, is keen to assert his Hindu identity to destabilise the BJP’s criticism of secularism. It makes sense as a political strategy. However, the Congress is almost reluctant to redefine its position on secularism — not merely in terms of Hindu-Muslim relations, but also regarding the misuse of religion in politics. Of course, the party has raised the issue of targeted lynching of Muslims and “bulldozer justice” yet, there is a need to have a principled position on Muslim presence in India. It is expected of Gandhi that he address the Pasmanda Muslims’ assertion in its entirety. After all, the Pasmanda movement is not merely about Muslim reservation; it questions the economic injustice and social exclusion of deprived and marginalised sections among Muslims. It fits well within the framework of his nyay discourse.

Institutions: That Rahul Gandhi has transformed the Constitution into a political object is a significant move. However, the politics of the Constitution cannot become effective if it is not linked to an equally constructive politics of institutions. The Congress, for some reason, has not used Parliament as an important institutional site to make its presence felt. Even his interventions in Parliament seem to be guided by media considerations. As an intelligent LoP, he needs to create a balance between constructive proposals offered during the legislative proceedings and performative acts outside Parliament.

Infrastructure: There is a serious imbalance between the discourse of nyay propagated by Rahul Gandhi at the national level and its acceptability as an ideology by grassroots Congress workers. The party infrastructure at the state level is yet to be revived. Congress’s regional leaders find it difficult to speak a coherent political language which resonates with the concerns raised by him in his speeches and yatras. There are two reasons behind it. First, the party has not made any effort to reorganise itself at the regional and local level. Second, the top leadership has failed to establish a model which makes Congress a distinctive national party. As a result, there is no connection between the electioneering process and the revival of Congress’s organisation.

Instruments: Rahul Gandhi’s close association with civil-society groups has certainly empowered him to learn a new language of alternative politics. His yatras were also framed as a non-electoral effort aiming to create a cohesive and inclusive social order. In this sense, the yatras became an effective instrument to carve out a distinctive space for the Congress. However, no attempt has been made to rationalise these alternative civil-society instruments in the sphere of electoral politics. This is not an easy task. Competitive electoral politics has lost its moral value and linking it to civil society-oriented moves such as Bharat Jodo or Nyay Yatras requires serious creative thinking. Rahul Gandhi, and for that matter, the Congress must give thought to this. After all, success in politics depends on the efficacy of instruments and their rigorous refashioning.

The writer is associate professor, CSDS