The joint statement also recognises the positive role digital public infrastructure can play in Sri Lanka’s development — including an Aadhaar-like identity and UPI payments interface.
Dec 18, 2024 08:00 IST First published on: Dec 18, 2024 at 08:00 IST
Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit to India — his first overseas trip since becoming Sri Lanka’s president — has come at a crucial moment in the bilateral relationship. The positive tone of the joint statement could augur the beginning of a deeper economic and strategic relationship between the two countries. Part of the reason for optimism is that Dissanayake enjoys a broad mandate domestically: After winning the presidential election in September, the coalition led by his party, National People’s Power (NPP), won a decisive majority in the legislature last month. One of the main hurdles to deepening ties in the past has been the fragmented nature of Sri Lankan governments, making it hard for Colombo to deliver on promises. In the last few months, Dissanayake and the NPP have also done much to show their pragmatic side and assuage fears that stemmed from the party’s violent past. The government has, for example, confirmed that it will continue with the IMF programme for its economic recovery, albeit with greater spending on welfare programmes. It is important now for both countries to resume dialogue on a Free Trade Agreement and focus on energy supply, trade, technology exchange and Indian FDI in Sri Lanka.
The joint statement also recognises the positive role digital public infrastructure can play in Sri Lanka’s development — including an Aadhaar-like identity and UPI payments interface. Addressing two longstanding issues, however, require patience and sensitivity from both sides. The first is of fishermen from both countries crossing the maritime border, as well as overfishing. This requires high diplomacy to think of the best interests of the fisherman and businesses. The answer may lie in some model of coordinated fishing. The second issue is of Sri Lanka’s Tamil minorities. Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, “We hope that Sri Lanka will fully implement the [Sri Lankan] Constitution and fulfil its commitment to hold provincial council elections”, while avoiding an explicit mention of the 13th amendment to the country’s constitution, which guarantees rights to minorities. The volatility of the issue demands such subtlety. Dissanayake and NPP are, broadly speaking, Sinhala nationalists and the government’s political compulsions must inform how Delhi approaches the issue — especially because in India, too, it has an emotive and political background.
Arguably, the most important takeaway from President Dissanayake’s visit was his assurance that “we will not have our land… be used in a manner that is detrimental to the interest of India in any way” and the evocation of a “free, open, safe and secure Indian Ocean Region (IOR)”. This seeming reference to Beijing’s activities in the IOR comes even as China is involved in developing the Hambantota port. While Dissanayake’s assurance is a positive augury, Delhi must realise that it does not have a veto over Colombo’s ties with other powers. Both sides need to establish their red lines on the matter and have a clear line of communication. That will go a long way in preventing misunderstandings as well as elevating the relationship to one of the most significant in the Subcontinent.
Why should you buy our Subscription?
You want to be the smartest in the room.
You want access to our award-winning journalism.
You don’t want to be misled and misinformed.
Choose your subscription package
