With two Shiv Senas and two NCPs in the mix — and the possibility of leaders jumping ship — the choices before the Maharashtra voter appear to be too many.
Nov 18, 2024 01:00 IST First published on: Nov 18, 2024 at 03:00 IST
In Maharashtra, one of India’s most industrialised states, home to the country’s financial capital, the political idiom this election season is not about the government’s infrastructure push or even employment and the broader economy. The terms for electioneering seem to have been set by two polarising slogans — “Batenge toh katenge,” raised first by UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, and “Ek hai to safe hai,” first deployed by the Prime Minister during the campaign trail. These slogans could be seen as a rallying attempt by the BJP after its poor showing in the state in the general elections. But that would be simplistic. The saffron party seems to be adopting the polarising strategy that was greatly instrumental in it becoming the dominant force in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and elsewhere in the Hindi heartland at the turn of the last century. However, former CM Ashok Chavan, a recent entrant to the BJP from the Congress, and Deputy CM Ajit Pawar, the party’s ally in the Mahayuti, appear to have distanced themselves from the slogans.
With two Shiv Senas and two NCPs in the mix — and the possibility of leaders jumping ship — the choices before the Maharashtra voter appear to be too many. But only on paper. Ideological deficit seems to be a pronounced feature of the state’s politics today. That’s why it’s important to not miss the context of the two slogans. Deputy CM Devendra Fadnavis seemed to be echoing several party leaders when he told this newspaper: “We saw that in the Lok Sabha polls, Congress indulged in vote jihad… created divisions along caste lines… So, ‘batenge toh katenge’ and ‘ek hain toh safe hain’ are positive slogans for unity.” The BJP is attempting to broaden the Hindutva base by including both OBCs and Marathas, in addition to consolidating the upper-caste vote. This is in line with the method which led to the rise of the party in the 1990s when it played up both the Ram Temple movement as well as promoted a generation of Dalit and OBC leaders. Religious polarisation, then, serves two goals for the BJP — expand the “Hindutva” fold as well as secure electoral gains for it. In the general elections, the MVA and INDIA’s message was that a definitive majority for the BJP could mean an end to reservation benefits for Bahujans. Now, the BJP’s counter is that unless Hindus are united, benefits — including reservation — will be usurped by religious minorities.
For long, Fadnavis had presented himself as a development-oriented leader. For Mumbai alone, infrastructure projects worth Rs 500 billion have been cleared and FDI in the state has also grown. These achievements, along with the promise of increased outlays for the Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, under which women beneficiaries receive monthly assistance, do feature in the Maha Yuti and MVA’s campaigns. However, the developmental narrative has been overshadowed almost completely by an identity politics that preys on the electorate’s insecurities, rather than address them. This lack of political imagination and the neglect of economic and governance-related issues do a disservice to a state that has been at the heart of India’s growth story.
