As the political atmosphere heats up in north Karnataka, which encompasses 14 constituencies, ahead of polling on May 7, all eyes are on the Lingayat community, a dominant caste in the region. The
Lingayats
, constituting the state’s largest single community, make up nearly 17% of the 5.3 crore electorate, while the Vokkaligas, another politically significant group, account for approximately 12%.
The Lingayat community had noticed a shift away from BJP in the previous assembly elections, raising questions about whether they would reaffirm their allegiance to the party in Lok Sabha polls. Lingayat politics, deeply entrenched in sociocultural dynamics, plays an important role in shaping the electoral fortunes of BJP and
Congress
. In 2019, BJP swept the region by winning all 14 seats.
In last year’s state polls, 37 of Congress’ 46 Lingayat candidates won, a significant increase from the 13 seats won in 2018. In contrast, only 15 Lingayats from BJP emerged victorious, despite the party fielding 69 candidates from the community. This seismic change was a major contributing factor to Congress’s landslide victory.
Lingayats dominate about 90 of the 224 assembly segments in the state, and while there were many reasons why the community switched sides from BJP to Congress, the sidelining of Lingayat strongman Yediyurappa was the prime factor.
“There was a perception that Lingayats were averse to Congress, but that was proven wrong in the assembly polls last year. Now there is speculation that Lingayats will move back to BJP. We will again prove this wrong,” insisted Karnataka minister M B Patil.His claim was endorsed by Eshwar Khandre, also a minister and prominent Lingayat figure in Congress.
The outcome of the 14 seats in north Karnataka holds special significance not only for the overall tally of BJP but also for the future of BSY and his son B Y Vijayendra.
Yediyurappa had to step down as CM in July 2021, during his fourth term, following a series of corruption allegations. His resignation led to a backlash from Lingayats, and the subsequent appointment of Basavaraj Bommai, a BSY supporter, only fuelled the fire. Protesters, including 500 influential Lingayat sadhus, voiced their discontent, warning of “irreparable” damage.
Allegations of corruption extended to claims of malpractices within govt contracts, exacerbated tensions. Additionally, the denial of tickets to other prominent Lingayats, such as Jagdish Shettar and Laxman Savadi, further strained rela tions between BJP and the community that has produced nine CMs in the state. Efforts to mend ties by Bommai ahead of the assembly polls, including last-minute enhancement of job and education reservations, proved insufficient.
In an attempt at damage control ahead of the Lok Sabha polls, BJP reinstated Yediyurappa as a member of the BJP parliamentary board, the party’s highest decision-making body, and appointed his son Vijayendra as state BJP chief. These manoeuvres were also aimed at fostering an electoral alliance with JD(S), which relies on Vokkaliga support.
For the Lok Sabha polls, BJP has fielded nine Lingayats and three Vokkaligas on the 25 seats it is contesting, while Congress has nominated six Vokkaligas and five Lingayats. JD(S) has allocated tickets to two Vokkaligas on its three seats, with the third seat given to another community.
Shettar, who had earlier left the party, has now made a return, indicating a ghar wapsi (homecoming), while Savadi, though possessing limited influence within the community, is showing inclinations of rejoining BJP despite his current involvement with the grand old party. “The Lingayat support base has already returned to BJP, and we are anticipating a clean sweep once again in north Karnataka,” said Aravind Bellad, a prominent Panchamasali Lingayat leader and deputy opposition leader in the assembly.
However, party insiders and Congress members insist that it would be an oversimplification. BJP is grappling with internal dissent, with several senior functionaries, including prominent Lingayat fig ures like Basanagouda Patil Yatnal, expressing discontent over the decision to appoint a first-time MLA as party president. Additionally, K S Eshwarappa, a senior party functionary who played a key role in building BJP in Karnataka over four decades alongside Yediyurappa, is also unhappy with the choice of Vijayendra.
Eshwarappa is now contesting against Yediyurappa’s son, B Y Raghavendra, from Shimoga. “These developments clearly indicate a lack of unity within the party, as there is a recognition that if BJP secures more than 20 seats, the party will likely remain under the control of the Yediyurappa family for the next two decades,” a senior RSS functionary said.
Moreover, Congress is leaving no stone unturned to retain its Lingayat support base, which it regained after 3-4 decades. In addition to its Ahinda — a combination of Muslims, OBCs (other than Lingayats and Vokkaligas) and SC/ST] politics, the party is trying to form an umbrella coalition in the state by appealing to Vokkaligas in the south and Lingayats in the north. Furthermore, Congress is attracting some Lingayat votes with prominent community figures like Patil, Shamur Shivashankarappa, Eshwar Khandre and Vinay Kulkarni, among others.
With Siddaramaiah, a Kuruba leader, occupying the CM’s office in both 2013 and 2024, and the growing prominence of Dalit leader Mallikarjun Kharge in national affairs, Congress has reinvigorated Ahinda politics in Karnataka. The party aims to leverage this revitalisation to deal another blow to BJP’s longstanding support base in north Karnataka.
