As the world reflects on the implications of US policies during Donald Trump’s second term as president, it’s crucial to examine the domestic origins of the sweeping policy agenda he presented in his inaugural speech and his subsequent actions.
What is unfolding in the US is not merely a change of regime; it is a revolution aimed at fundamentally reshaping post-War America. Trump refers to it as a “revolution of common sense”. Liberals might label it a “counter-revolution” across various domains, including social, political, economic, and geopolitical spheres. Conversely, conservatives might see it as a “counter-counter-revolution” aimed at thwarting the destabilisation of Trump’s transformative agenda from his first term (2017-2021) by the so-called deep state.
The American revolt against the liberal order has been brewing for some time in the 21st century. This growing discontent helped Trump, an outsider, defeat established political dynasties like the Clintons (Democratic) and Bushes (Republican) to win the White House in the 2016 elections.
The establishment and liberal media launched a relentless campaign against Trump, branding him a “Russian agent” and seeking to undermine his presidency at every turn. Thanks to his inexperience and many missteps, Trump lost the presidency in 2020. However, the establishment continued its assault, using the full power of the state to push Trump out of politics during Joe Biden’s presidency.
The 2024 elections represented a decisive rejection of the liberal establishment’s anti-Trump politics. While the establishment labelled Trump a “felon”, his supporters viewed the campaign as a political witch hunt that stretched legal boundaries to convict him. This situation reflects a significant and deep divide within American society.
If one is charitable, they might forgive Trump for claiming that “God saved him” from an assassination attempt on July 13, 2024, “for a purpose” — to reorient American politics at home and abroad. Many of his supporters believe this was indeed a miracle, and they were ready to give Trump another chance to pursue his revolution. For them, Trump is certainly the “chosen one” to challenge the establishment. Regardless of the question of “divine influence”, Trump is emerging as a key figure in a major effort to radically overhaul America’s social, political, and economic systems.
It is fitting that Trump was sworn in at the Capitol, the site of the January 6, 2021, protests against Biden’s election. While the establishment termed these protests an “insurrection”, Trump and his supporters viewed the participants as “hostages” of the establishment.
One of Trump’s first actions was to pardon approximately 1,500 protesters still incarcerated. While Trump rescued his “political family”, Biden pardoned his own family members in the final moments of his presidency. The contrast has not gone unnoticed.
Trump’s revolution challenges four key aspects of entrenched liberal hegemony in America, with significant implications for the global order centred around Washington as the leading power.
First, the liberal belief in imposing its “superior values” on society — covering gender identity, permissible speech, education, and the relationship between individuals and God — has faced backlash. Trump has promised to restore free speech, reverse gender-identity politics, dismantle diversity regulations, and reintroduce traditional values into civic life. Unlike Biden, Trump does not categorise the world into “democracies” and “autocracies”, nor does he seek to promote human rights globally.
Second, the liberal notion that borders are irrelevant and that America should welcome all migrants has sparked significant political opposition. Trump’s focus on reclaiming control over US borders and deporting illegal aliens emphasises US territorial sovereignty, a term previously dismissed by liberals. His presidency may reintroduce sovereignty, which has great currency outside the West, as a central theme in global political discourse.
Third, the liberal idea that America can indefinitely absorb global exports has lost support within the US political class. The current debate centres on the necessary measures to rebalance US trade with the world. Both Republicans and Democrats oppose the global trade framework centred around the World Trade Organization that was organised at the turn of the millennium.
While Trump did not announce specific tariffs in his inaugural speech or initial executive orders, he reaffirmed his commitment to using tariffs to achieve various political and economic goals. The Trump administration has initiated an internal review of tariff strategies, with potential actions against specific countries forthcoming. The discourse on American policy will increasingly focus on “fair trade” and “reciprocity” as opposed to free trade and non-reciprocal commerce.
Fourth, since World War II, liberal internationalists in Washington have insisted that Americans must “bear any burden and pay any price” to sustain US global leadership. Trump has tapped into a movement that detests the “globalists” with some passion and demands first priority for US interests over foreign conflicts and presumed imperatives of American leadership.
Throughout his first term and beyond, Trump has criticised America’s endless wars and emphasised the need for good relations with all powers, including Russia and China. Although he did not elaborate on foreign policy in his inaugural address, he expressed a desire to be a “peacemaker”, which could signal a reluctance to engage in conflict with China or Russia to uphold a “liberal international order”. How this plays out will have a great bearing on the global order and the geopolitics of Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific.
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Trump’s cabinet comprises members with diverse views on America’s role abroad, ranging from advocates of restraint to those favouring a more muscular foreign policy. It remains to be seen how Trump will navigate these internal debates on issues like Gaza, Taiwan, Ukraine, and North Korea. What is evident, though, is that Trump is bringing a distinctly different approach to foreign policy — assertive on core interests, which may become fewer, while negotiating deals on other matters.
Like all revolutions, Trump’s movement carries internal contradictions and generates external opposition. If he can successfully navigate these competing imperatives within his movement and neutralise the hostility of his opponents, Trump could succeed in building a lasting domestic political coalition with policies that significantly diverge from the post-War liberal hegemony in America and the world.
The writer is contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express
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