Did the abrogation achieve its ends? What is the way forward to bridge the democratic deficit in the UT?
On August 5, 2019, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the abrogation of Article 370 and end of “special status” for the state of Jammu and Kashmir, and subsequently, Parliament used its powers under Article 3 of the Constitution, for the first time, to withdraw statehood and create two Union Territories. In doing so, the Centre sent out three messages. First, that solutions to J&K’s fraught political and security situation lay not with the elected state government but with Delhi’s political establishment and its appointees. Second, change of status quo vis-a-vis a “disputed territory” reset the parameters of deterrence vis-a-vis Pakistan. Finally, with Parliament dissolving an elected legislature, it underlined an asymmetric federalism. Five years on, after the Supreme Court put its seal of approval on the constitutionality of the process, two questions loom: Did the abrogation achieve its ends? What is the way forward to bridge the democratic deficit in the UT?
On the economic and governance fronts, there have been gains. Last-mile delivery of services has improved, more than 1,000 public utility services have been digitised; major projects in the PM’s development package are complete or near completion; an estimated Rs 6,000-crore worth of investments are on the ground. The number of tourists visiting the UT went up from 3.4 million in 2020 to 21.1 million in 2023. The first half of 2024 saw a 20 per cent increase over 2023. On the security front, peace has held in the Valley, although strong-arm control has worked more than winning hearts and minds. Recently, however, both the theatre and character of conflict are changing — infiltrators from across the border are more active in the Jammu sector. Pakistan, its partnership with China and its sponsorship of terror, cannot be wished away. This international dimension to the region’s security continues to be a challenge. Despite the detention of several elected leaders in August 2019, the people of J&K have shown their faith in the ballot. In the 2024 general election, voter turnout in an incident-free poll stood at 58.6 per cent — the highest in 35 years. And yet, it’s politics that remains the most significant work in progress.
Too often, the security situation has been cited as a roadblock to restoring statehood. It is important to recognise that a view that sees democracy and security as antithetical to each other is a narrow and limiting one. Undoubtedly, restoring statehood requires a calibrated approach. But it is a process that must begin with alacrity, with clear timelines — SC’s September deadline to hold elections could be a starting point. The Centre needs to realise that the solution to J&K’s problems must involve the man and woman on the street in J&K. Of late, there have been protests regarding water and power in some towns — these need to be heard, not quelled. For, it is only through people’s involvement in the governance process that alienation can be addressed. As a series of reports from the ground marking five years of August 5 will show, from the rooms where security strategy is discussed, to the classrooms where future citizens are moulded, there is a consensus that people need to be involved in their governance — they are the primary stakeholders. For the government in New Delhi, fulfilment of this aspiration — while continuing to deal with terrorism with an uncompromising fist — should be the primary metric for judging the success of August 5, 2019.
