Three decades ago, the idea of a Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) leader sharing the diplomatic stage with India’s prime minister would have been unthinkable. The JVP was once synonymous with hostility toward its northern neighbour. Yet today, as President Anura Kumara Dissanayake completed a successful state visit to India, the image of a pragmatic JVP leadership engaging diplomatically with New Delhi speaks volumes of how far the party and its relationship with India have evolved.
The origins of JVP’s hostility toward India were embedded in its founding ideology. In 1965, under Rohana Wijeweera, the party emerged as a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement. Its rhetoric, though socialist at its core, became deeply intertwined with Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism — a combination that appealed to the rural Sinhalese youth. A central tenet of the JVP’s early teachings, formalised in Five Lectures, was its vehement rejection of “Indian expansionism.”
The third lecture on “Indian Expansionism” portrayed India as a hegemonic force with capitalist ambitions to dominate Sri Lanka’s economy, politics, and culture. Traders, Tamil plantation labourers, and the cultural influence of Indian films were all framed as tools of economic exploitation and cultural penetration. To the JVP, India’s actions were a continuation of ancient South Indian invasions that had threatened the sovereignty of the Sinhala people. This narrative resonated with disillusioned Sinhalese youth, positioning the JVP as the true defender of Sri Lanka’s independence.
This ideological hostility reached a boiling point during the 1980s, as the ethnic conflict between Sri Lanka’s Tamil minority and Sinhalese majority intensified. India’s involvement in the conflict — particularly its support for Tamil militant groups in the early stages — was viewed by the JVP as a direct threat to Sri Lankan sovereignty.
When the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 brought Indian troops into Sri Lanka as part of a peacekeeping mission, the JVP’s opposition turned violent. For Wijeweera and his followers, the Indian Peace Keeping Force was nothing short of an imperialist invasion orchestrated with the complicity of a “puppet” Sri Lankan government. The JVP launched a fervent nationalist campaign, mobilising widespread protests and waging a violent insurrection that led to catastrophic consequences for both the party and the country.
The repression of the JVP’s second insurrection between 1987 and 1989 annihilated the movement. It was a sobering defeat, forcing the party into a long period of reflection and reassessment. As the party re-emerged in the 1990s under a new generation of leaders, including Dissanayake, it began a slow but significant transformation. No longer a revolutionary outfit, the JVP embraced parliamentary politics and sought to rebuild its image as a democratic political force.
The end of the civil war in 2009 proved to be a turning point. The military defeat of the LTTE resolved the immediate question of Tamil separatism, a cause that had shaped much of the JVP’s anti-India sentiment. Without this pressing conflict, the party focused on Sri Lanka’s economic struggles and governance failures. Under Dissanayake’s leadership, the JVP moved away from its rigid ideological posture. Its approach to India grew more pragmatic, the focus shifting to fostering equitable and mutually beneficial relations.
President Dissanayake’s recent visit to India marks a transformative moment in the JVP’s political trajectory. Standing alongside Indian leaders, the JVP leader struck a tone of cooperation, emphasising trade, infrastructure, and maritime security as areas of shared interest. Discussions were forward-looking, focusing on economic collaboration and mutual regional stability.
The economic agenda dominated much of the discussion during the visit. Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, exacerbated by years of mismanagement, the pandemic, and foreign debt burdens, has left the nation in dire need of international support. India emerged as a crucial partner, extending credit lines, supporting essential imports, and investing in key infrastructure. President Dissanayake gracefully acknowledged India’s role in stabilising Sri Lanka’s economy. Projects focusing on renewable energy, infrastructure development, and digital technology were key negotiation points.
This diplomatic outreach reflects the JVP’s broader political maturity and pragmatism. The party has moved beyond the hostility of its past, partly shaped by the painful legacy of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987. Today, the JVP acknowledges India as a vital partner in addressing shared challenges, including regional security, and post-war reconciliation and reconstruction. Moreover, this recalibrated stance aligns with Sri Lanka’s need to navigate an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape marked by the competing influences of India, China, and other global powers. India’s “Neighbourhood First” policy and economic investments in post-war Sri Lanka underscored its critical role as a stabilising force. The JVP’s leadership realised that constructive engagement with India offered development opportunities, particularly in Tamil-majority regions still recovering from the war.
What distinguishes the JVP’s new approach is its emphasis on a balanced foreign policy. While Sri Lanka’s previous governments leaned heavily toward China for infrastructure funding, resulting in debt traps and compromised sovereignty, Dissanayake has signalled a recalibration. The JVP remains critical of unbalanced foreign engagements, including controversial Chinese projects like the Hambantota Port deal. However, it should also be clearly understood by India that its support is viewed not as a replacement for China but as part of a broader strategy to diversify Sri Lanka’s partnerships.
Regional security and stability were also key priorities during Dissanayake’s visit. Sri Lanka’s strategic location in the Indian Ocean has placed it at the centre of geopolitical competition between India, China, and the United States. Dissanayake stressed closer maritime cooperation with India to tackle shared challenges such as piracy, illegal fishing, and smuggling. The President also highlighted the critical need for counterterrorism collaboration, particularly in light of the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, which exposed vulnerabilities in Sri Lanka’s security infrastructure.
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The JVP’s evolving relationship with India mirrors its journey as a political force in many ways. From its early days as a revolutionary insurgent group to its current role as a pragmatic political player, the JVP has learned that ideological purity cannot solve the complex realities of governance and international diplomacy. Its willingness to engage with India signals a strategic shift and a recognition of the importance of dialogue and collaboration in securing Sri Lanka’s future.
For Sri Lanka, the JVP’s transformation offers hope. It demonstrates that even the most entrenched political animosities can give way to pragmatism and partnership. With the conclusion of President Dissanayake’s visit to New Delhi, the JVP’s message is clear: Sri Lanka’s progress lies not in hostility but in building bridges with its neighbours, guided by mutual respect and shared aspirations.
The writer is a professor at the MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
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