It was their singing that first caught my attention. Unusual for political meetings, the singer was tuneful, the song was soulful, though I did not quite get the Marathi lyrics. The singer, Sanjeev Sane, was a fierce trade unionist and an astute political strategist. Then followed a chorus, led by Sanjay MG, an engineering professor who held a “sansakar shivir” for underprivileged youth in Thane. The “MG” in his name stood for “Mangala Gopal” — he had chosen to include his mother’s name along with that of his father. Nisha Shivurkar did not sing, but the tale of how this unassuming activist had organised “parityakta”, women “abandoned” by their husbands, was music to my ears. And then there was the self-effacing determination of Vilas Bhongade, a young Dalit activist who spoke through his actions.
Exactly 30 years ago, at the inaugural convention of Samajwadi Janparishad at Thane, this was my first introduction to the vibrant public life of Maharashtra. There was something very special about these young political activists — a fusion of idealism, ideology, energy and discipline. This was a far cry from the intense, loud and chaotic world of North Indian activism that I had experienced. Though varied in their personality and expressions, these activists seemed to be cut from the same cloth. Which school did they all go to, I wondered. That is when someone mentioned “Seva Dal” to which all of them were related, directly or indirectly.
Rashtra Seva Dal (RSD, or just Seva Dal). Founded in 1941 by socialists, who were still within the Congress then, the RSD was a youth volunteer organisation, committed to nationalism, socialism, democracy, secularism and rationalism. Though not formed in response to the RSS, that was politically insignificant then, the contrast was evident. They shared one thing though. Like the RSS, the Seva Dal also focused on organising teenagers and youth through a routine of daily “shakha” where a bunch of local youngsters came together for games, physical training, cultural activities and ideological discussions. After independence, the RSD moved out of Congress and worked closely with, without becoming a frontal organisation of, the socialist parties. The moving spirit of Seva Dal in its first decade was Pandurang Sadashiv Sane (1899-1949) or simply Sane (pronounced Saa-ne) Guruji, an iconic figure in Maharashtra. The song I first heard in that convention — khara to ekchi dharma/ jagala prem arpave — was penned by Sane Guruji. Indeed, Sanjeev Sane, who sang the song, was named after him.
It is hard to box Sane Guruji in a simple category like a socialist leader. A faceless constructive worker, a matchless organiser, a fearless protester against any form of injustice, Sane Guruji was a Gandhian, a nationalist, a socialist and a saint at the same time. His fiery speeches inspired the youth and his writings — especially Shyamchi Aai a book about his mother — have shaped the sensibilities of generations in Maharashtra. His book Bharatiya Sanskriti offers a deep appreciation of Indian culture as an ever-dissolving quest for renewal (navinata ki kshanbhangur vritti). Rejecting all forms of superstitions and bigotry, he bases his reading on advaita philosophy that refuses to distinguish or discriminate on the basis of sect or faith, caste or gender.
Along with 82 other organisations and under the leadership of its current President Nitin Vaidya, the RSD has just concluded “Sane Guruji 125 Abhiyan”, a year long celebration of his 125th birth anniversary. Over the years, I have come to see how wide and deep the Seva Dal’s footprint has been in the purogami or progressive politics of Maharashtra. It spawned many organisations — Chhatra Bharati, Samajwadi Mahila Sabha, Muslim Satyashodhak Samaaj, Samajwadi Adhyapak Sabha, besides Antarbharati to foster a bond among Indian languages, and Seva Pathak for constructive work. Organisations like SM Joshi Socialist Foundation and Sane Guruji Memorial Trust are working to keep this legacy alive.
Many of the better known leaders in all walks of Maharashtra’s public life have been associated with RSD. These include political leaders like S M Joshi, Mrinal Gore, Madhu Dandavate and Bapu Kaldate, social activists like Sudha Verde, Pramila Dandavate, Narendra Dabholkar, Hameed Dalwai, Baba Adhav and Medha Patkar, theatre and film personalities like Sriram Lagu, Nilu Phule and Smita Patil and intellectuals like Acharya Javdekar and Ganesh Devy. Maharashtra’s public life would have been much poorer in the absence of the thousands of activists, professionals, writers, teachers, journalists besides home-grown organisations, movements and magazines that were associated with RSD. They have been a bulwark to defend constitutional values and democratic institutions in the face of the relentless onslaught from the RSS-BJP.
The RSD does not have today the kind of strength and position that it enjoyed in the first two decades of its existence. Yet it offers a model for deep politics necessary to reclaim our constitutional republic. One thing is clear: The current dismantling of the republic cannot be halted merely through electoral opposition to the BJP. We need deep politics that involves political education of citizens, cultivation of constitutional values among the younger generations, creative framing of issues and agenda, grooming of political workers and leaders and recreating this imagined community called India. This is what
Rashtra Seva Dal did. This is what we lack so desperately today.
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The lessons of Seva Dal model are not dificult to see. First, we need to target not just the youth, but school-going teenagers as well. Second, the focus should be on character building activities through sports and culture rather than on politics in the narrow sense. Third, any attempt to cultivate constitutional values and the ideals of a socialist and secular republic must be anchored into a positive nationalism, a robust regional culture and our civilisational ethos. Fourth, sangharsh or struggle against injustice must be combined with nirman, constructive action. And fifth, while intervening in the arena of electoral politics and state power, this deep politics would do well to keep an arm’s length distance from any political party.
To be sure, the RSD is not the only model of this kind. We have had such initiatives across the country: Dravida Kazhgam, Kerala Sahitya Shastra Parishad, Karnataka Rajya Raiyatha Sangh, Dalit Sangharsh Samiti in Karnataka, All Assam Students Union, Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha, Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini, Indian Peoples’ Front, Jayesh in Madhya Pradesh, Samata Sangathan and Backward and Minority Community Employees Federation. The creative life of most of these experiments was very short, though many of these organisations continue to exist today. They testify to the need and indeed the possibility of instituting deep politics all over the country. When we bemoan the lack of civic engagement among the youth, blame them for political apathy, or are shocked at their acquiescence in political bigotry, we should be asking ourselves: Have we built the institutions that cultivate constitutional values? Where are the study circles in their contemporary avatar? Who is drawing the youth to constructive work? Who connects their everyday issues and concerns to larger politics? The problem is not with them but with us. We have the model. The point is to act on it before it is too late. Here is a challenge, a life mission, waiting for the Sane Gurujis of our times.
The writer is member, Swaraj India, and national convenor of Bharat Jodo Abhiyaan. Views are personal
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