There is far too much at stake — in the form of economic interdependence and mutual security — for Delhi and Dhaka to allow suspicions and grievances to overwhelm the need to preserve a beneficial partnership.
The first conversation between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the chief adviser to the new government in Bangladesh, Muhammad Yunus, last Thursday, underlines the imperative of geography that binds the two nations and the resilient foundation for good relations that has been laid in the last decade and more. Underlying the positive conversation was a recognition by both sides of the importance of putting behind some of the acrimony between Delhi and Dhaka triggered by the tumultuous conditions under which the old order collapsed in Bangladesh and Delhi’s anxious response to it. On his part, PM Modi reiterated “India’s support for a democratic, stable, peaceful and progressive Bangladesh” and underlined Delhi’s “commitment to supporting the people of Bangladesh through various development initiatives.” Yunus assured Modi “that the interim government would prioritise the protection, safety and security of Hindus and all minority groups in Bangladesh”.
There is far too much at stake — in the form of economic interdependence and mutual security — for Delhi and Dhaka to allow suspicions and grievances to overwhelm the need to preserve a beneficial partnership. To be sure, there are lingering concerns in Delhi on how the new rulers came to power in Dhaka; and there is a deep sense of hurt in Bangladesh that India stood by the authoritarian rule of Sheikh Hasina until the very end. As reports in this paper from Dhaka in the last few days have highlighted, senior officials of the new regime as well as leaders of political parties that were opposed to Hasina fully understand the importance of the relationship with India and are open to looking ahead rather than continuing to bicker about the past. Yet, the two sides need to be mindful of the potential dangers to the re-engagement between Delhi and Dhaka.
India was right in providing refuge to Sheikh Hasina. But Delhi needs to impress upon the former PM the dangers of indulging in political activity from Indian soil. Dhaka, too, must avoid the temptation of embarking on legal processes to extradite her from India that will put Delhi in an awkward position. At stake is not just the question of managing this delicate moment in bilateral relations. It is, even more, about ending the bouts of violent retribution that have followed every major political change in Bangladesh. Bangladesh needs internal political reconciliation; it also needs a long overdue closure on the nation’s disputed history and contested identity. The continuing mob violence in Dhaka undermines the lofty ideals of the student movement to build a new democratic order in Bangladesh. There are enough forces within and outside Bangladesh that are desperate to hijack the student movement for their own narrow political ends and drag the nation back into perpetual internal conflict. Undoubtedly, the new order in Bangladesh is fragile; Delhi must engage all political forces and institutions in the country, without prejudice, to get a deeper sense of its changing domestic dynamics and to guard against political surprises ahead. For now, though, helping Yunus succeed is India’s best insurance against continuing instability in Bangladesh.